Global Civil Society letter on the Nairobi Ministerial of the World Trade Organization (WTO), December 9, 2015
(English html – pdf) (Français – html – pdf) (Español – html – pdf)
Dear Members of the WTO,
As members of 460[1] civil society organizations including trade unions, environmentalists, farmers, development advocates, and public interest groups from over 150 countries, we are writing today to express extreme alarm about the current situation of the negotiations in the WTO. We urge you to take seriously the need for the upcoming Nairobi Ministerial to change existing WTO rules to make the global trading system more compatible with people-centered development, and to forestall efforts by some developed countries to abandon the development agenda and replace it with a set of so-called “new issues” that actually are non-trade issues that would impact deeply on domestic economies and constrain national policy space required for development and public interest.
Governments from around the world recently endorsed the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) negotiated through the United Nations. These include key goals such as reducing poverty and inequality; eradicating hunger; and ensuring universal access to essential services such as health care, education, water, and energy. In order to achieve these goals, countries must have the policy space to invest in domestic agricultural production to achieve food security and food sovereignty; to regulate the financial sector to ensure financial stability; to scale up public provision of essential services to guarantee education, health, water, and energy access; to harness the power of government procurement to promote small and medium enterprises (SMEs); to utilize tax revenues, including tariffs, strategically to foment sustainable development and the creation of jobs with decent work; and to ensure that foreign investment serves the interests of the national development plan. However, this policy space is currently constrained by existing WTO rules which the vast majority of WTO members, which are developing countries, have been demanding must be changed, and are further threatened by an effort by a tiny number of developed countries to replace the development mandates with “new issues” designed to further increase transnational corporate profit margins.
As civil society organizations, we have witnessed firsthand in our communities the negative impacts of 20 years of some existing WTO policies which have largely favored the interests of the developed world over the development interests of the developing world. This has particularly led to rising inequalities both within and among countries; the contributions of increased trade to climate change; the financial deregulation that led to the 2008 global economic crisis and the ongoing crises of food insecurity and joblessness, to name a few. Many of our organizations have called repeatedly for the WTO to be replaced with an institution that regulates corporate trade for the benefit of workers, farmers, communities, and the environment, rather than disciplining states for the narrow goal of increasing trade. At the same time, we must ensure that the WTO’s model of restricting national policy space in favor of corporate trading rights must not be expanded, but rather pruned back. That is why it is so urgent at this time to ensure that the Nairobi Ministerial deliver on removing WTO obstacles to development by fulfilling the development mandate in terms of strengthening and making effective the Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) for all developing countries, and affirming developing countries’ rights to food security, while forestalling the corporate agenda of abandoning development in favor of a corporate wish list of “new issues.”
Success in Nairobi: Fulfilling the Development Mandate by Strengthening SDT for All Developing Countries, Removing WTO Obstacles to Food Security, and Operationalizing Benefits for the Least Developed Countries (LDCs)
This year, a group of 90 (G90) developing countries made concrete proposals for changes to existing WTO rules that would remove some WTO constraints on national pro-development policies. Many of these proposals parallel the civil society demands encompassed in the Turnaround Statement endorsed by hundreds of civil society groups from around the world. Reports from Geneva indicate that a tiny number of high-income WTO members are attempting to decide for themselves which developing countries should be able to utilize these flexibilities, dividing developing countries according to non-existent, subjective criteria and attempting to treat so-called “emerging markets” as if they were already developed. This approach has no basis in WTO law, in development policy, nor in economic reality. In fact, 70 percent of the world’s poor live in so-called “middle income” countries; narrowing the scope of the G90’s special and differential treatment proposals would condemn a billion people to living under WTO rules inappropriate for their level of development, without the flexibilities and policy space requisite for their countries to achieve the multilateral SDGs. For those reasons, SDT should be strengthened and made operational for all developing countries, while providing additional flexibilities to LDCs that attend to their specific development, financial and economic needs. The WTO Ministerial will be a failure for development if the full package of G90 proposals for all developing countries is not agreed to in Nairobi.
Even worse, just one WTO member – the United States – appears to be not only refusing to agree to the full G90 package, but also working to ensure that the development mandate in the WTO is permanently abandoned. While a lack of agreement on the G90 package of proposals by Nairobi would indicate a failure of the Ministerial from a development perspective, the abandonment of the entire development mandate would lock out the potential to fulfill this mandate in the future, thus locking the world into the existing inequalities and imbalances forever – at the behest of one member of the WTO, an institution that claims to operate by consensus.
Likewise, many of those same impoverished people in developing countries and LDCs alike continue to suffer from food insecurity. Since the Bali Ministerial in December 2013, developing countries and anti-hunger advocates and farmers around the world (including in the United States) have worked to ensure that developing countries would be unshackled from WTO rules which severely constrain their ability to invest in public stockholding programs, even though such investments are explicitly called for in the SDGs in order to reduce rural and urban hunger. WTO members agreed to find a permanent solution to the issue of public stockholding for food security by December 31, 2015. The G33 group of 45 developing countries has made a workable proposal to remove limits on developing countries’ investing in their own food security by categorizing public stockholding for food security in the so-called “Green Box,” and this must be adopted by the Nairobi Ministerial. The WTO Ministerial will be a failure from a development perspective if this simple step towards food sovereignty is not agreed to in Nairobi.
In one of the most hypocritical positions in the history of global trade negotiations, some developed countries are not only opposing the right of poor countries to feed themselves, but also refusing to reduce domestic supports on exported agricultural production that damages other countries’ domestic markets. In fact, the promise to reform global agricultural trade was the primary reason that developing countries even agreed to launch the Doha Round. Fourteen years later, some developed countries continue to subsidize agricultural exporting corporations in ways that damage farmers in developing countries, whose governments are not allowed (or cannot afford) such subsidies. We support the concept of food sovereignty, in which countries should be allowed to undertake domestic supports of agricultural production, but no country should be allowed to export subsidized food in a way that damages other countries’ markets. The WTO Ministerial will be a failure from a development perspective if the disciplining of domestic supports that damage other countries’ markets is not agreed to in Nairobi.
At the same time, the havoc wreaked on developing country agricultural markets due to dumping of subsidized products calls out for an immediate solution. The G33’s proposal to create a Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM) that would allow developing countries to protect their food security, farmers’ livelihoods, and rural development, would be another important step towards restoring countries’ food sovereignty that has been so eroded by the current imbalances in the WTO rules. The WTO Ministerial will be a failure from a development perspective if a workable, practical SSM along the lines of the G33 proposal is not agreed to in Nairobi.
Even in the area that all WTO members should be able to agree on – ensuring benefits for the LDCs – consensus has not yet been reached. Although it was a priority mandate for the post-Bali period, the small LDC package agreed in Bali has yet to be operationalized, including ensuring 100 Duty Free, Quota Free (DFQF) market access for LDCs exports; providing actual binding commitments for the LDC services waiver, and full simplification of the Rules of Origin (RoO). In addition, cotton farmers in Africa have been damaged for years due to the subsidies that rich countries have agreed to discipline in an “expedited” manner. The WTO Ministerial will be a failure from a development perspective if the disciplining of subsidies in cotton is not agreed to in Nairobi, along with the operationalizing of all aspects of the full LDC package.
Introducing a Corporate Wish List of “New Issues” Must be Off the Table at Nairobi
We can all agree that global trade has evolved significantly since the Doha Round was launched in 2001. Unfortunately, many workers and farmers are still laboring under the rules negotiated in the mid-1990s – to which many developing countries and civil society around the world objected at the founding of the WTO. It is vastly inappropriate to mandate negotiations on new issues to the benefit of the financial, technology, and logistics corporations a few WTO members without first addressing the inequities and imbalances in the current WTO rules.
Many of these issues have been explicitly rejected by the WTO membership in the recent past, particularly the so-called “Singapore issues,” including investment, competition policy, and transparency in government procurement. Civil society has long opposed the international investment agreements (IIAs) which privilege foreign investors over citizens, communities, the environment, and the public interest generally, whether they appear in bilateral, plurilateral, or multilateral forums. Multiple governments have taken heed of the explosion of cases brought by investors against sovereign governments, and are re-shaping national investment rules to ensure that they benefit the national interest. During this time of shifting public debate on the negative impacts of such agreements, it is outrageous to think of allowing this ejected topic back into the WTO. Similarly with the topics of competition policy and opening up government procurement to foreign corporations, which are advantageous predominantly to corporate interests. Government procurement is an important engine for local development and for addressing inequities within countries, and these goals should take precedence over opening markets for transnational bidders. These are not primarily trade issues and they must not be allowed on the agenda – and there is not even any legal basis in the WTO to bring them in until after the development demands of developing countries have been comprehensively addressed.
Likewise there appears to be an effort by some developed countries to bring issues that many developing countries, and civil society around the world, have rejected in bilateral or plurilateral so-called free trade agreements (FTAs) into the WTO. This appears to include the idea of giving new “rights” to advanced technology corporations to unlimited cross-border data transfers through e-commerce talks. A few members also appear interested in imposing on the WTO membership including disciplines (constraints) on state-owned enterprises (which can be a key engine of domestic economic growth in many countries), and other so-called “new issues” which have yet to be defined by members seeking the mandate nonetheless to discuss them. The WTO Ministerial will be a failure from a development perspective if “new issues” – including under the sneaky rubric of “discussions on global value chains (GVCs) or the digital economy” – are agreed to in Nairobi as part of the post-Ministerial agenda.
Civil society has long witnessed and condemned the unfair negotiations process in the WTO, in which the positions of powerful members are given predominance over the positions and needs of the vast majority of members who are developing countries, while the interests of workers, farmers, and the environment are shunted to the background in favor of corporate profit objectives. It is most unfortunate that under the current leadership, this phenomenon appears to have become even worse, even though the Director General hails from a developing nation.
Nairobi will be a crucial arbiter of the future of the global trade system. Will the WTO continue business as usual, in which the corporate interests of the powerful countries dominate, and the development mandate is abandoned in favor of talks on liberalization of new issues? Or will the WTO members heed the needs of the LDCs; of the poor in all our countries; of farmers struggling to make a living; of workers seeking decent work; and of the environment for our common stewardship?
For the Ministerial to “work” for food, jobs, and sustainable development, the necessary outcome is clear: the transformation of the gross inequities in the global agricultural system must begin, including: removing WTO obstacles to public stockholding for food security; a concrete and workable SSM; and disciplining domestic supports and export competition. Across the WTO, development demands must be met, including the full scope of the G90 proposals for all developing countries, and the operationalizing of the LDC package. The corporate and rich country government agenda of permanently abandoning the development mandate must be forestalled, along with the imposition of a set of already-rejected or ill-defined non-trade “new issues.”
Sincerely,
Endorsers as of December 14, 2015
International Networks and Organizations
1 | ACP Civil Society Forum | The Forum is a coalition of 80 not-for-profit organisations working on issues relating to ACP-EU development cooperation. It seeks to cater for the diverse range civil society development issues within the wide geographic coverage of the ACP group. |
2 | ActionAid International | ActionAid is an international organisation, working with over 15 million people in 45 countries for a world free from poverty and injustice. |
3 | African Center for Trade, Integration and Development (ENDA CACID), West Africa | Le Centre Africain pour le Commerce, l’Intégration et le Développement (CACID) est créé pour soutenir les efforts des pays africains pour atteindre des objectifs de développement qui impactent positivement et durablement sur les conditions de vie de la majorité des citoyens, en particulier des plus pauvres. |
4 | Amigos de la Tierra América Latina y Caribe (ATALC) | Amigos de la Tierra América Latina y Caribe (ATALC-Friends of the Earth (FoE) Latin Amierica and Caribbean) |
5 | Arab NGO Network for Development (ANND) | ANND is a regional network, working in 12 Arab countries with seven national networks (with an extended membership of 200 CSOs from different backgrounds) and 23 NGO members |
6 | Asia Monitor Resource Centre (AMRC) | AMRC works to support a democratic and independent labour movement in Asia, promoting the respect of labour rights, gender equality, and active workers’ participation in work-related issues |
7 | Asian Farmers’ Association for Sustainable Rural Development (AFA) | AFA is a regional alliance of 17 national federations and organizations of small scale women and men farmers and producers from 13 countries in Asia. |
8 | Campaign2015+ International | Campaigning towards and beyond 2015 is the major thrust of Campaign2015+ International. |
9 | Caribbean Development Activists Network of Women (Caribbean DAWN) | A regional network of community activists, development practitioners and scholars. We work for gender justice and sustainable human development. Caribbean Dawn provides a forum for analysis, reflection, advocacy and research on important development. |
10 | Caribbean Network of Rural Women Producers (CANROP) | CANROP is the umbrella organization that embraces national chapters of rural women’s associations in the Caribbean. These associations had been established in response to the need to equip women with technical, administrative and entrepreneurial skills as a means to improving their socio-economic status and create employment in the rural areas in which they live. |
11 | Caribbean Policy Development Centre (CPDC) | CPDC is a coalition of Caribbean non-governmental organizations. It was established in 1991 to sensitize NGOs and the general public on key policy issues and to impact policy makers on decisions which put the interests of Caribbean people at the center of the Caribbean development strategy. |
12 | Caribbean Youth Environment Network (CYEN) | CYEN is a regional organisation whose membership comprises youth groups and individual youth. It aims to promote youth in the Caribbean to take positive action on issues related to environment and sustainable development. |
13 | Central America Women's Network (CAWN) | CAWN is a network of women united by a commitment to women’s human and labour rights worldwide. It contributes to uphold the political, social, cultural and economic rights of Central American women. |
14 | Confederación Latinoamericana y del Caribe de Trabajadores Estatales (CLATE) | CLATE - es una organización sindical internacional que agrupa a los trabajadores estatales de las hermanas naciones de América Latina, con pleno respeto de las entidades afiliadas a ella, siendo encargada de fijar y ejecutar a nivel latinoamericano, la política global y coordinada de la promoción de los trabajadores estatales. |
15 | Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) | DAWN is a network of feminist scholars, researchers and activists from the economic South working for economic and gender justice and sustainable and democratic development. |
16 | East African Health Platform (EAHP) | The EAHP is an advocacy forum for Private Sectors Organizations, Civil Society Organizations, Faith Based Organizations and other interest groups working on health in East Africa. |
17 | Eastern and Southern Africa Small-scale Farmer’s Forum (ESAFF) | ESAFF is a network of small holder farmers that advocate for policy, practice and attitude change that reflects the needs, aspirations, and development of small-scale farmers in east and southern Africa. ESAFF operates in 13 countries. |
18 | Enda Tiers Monde | Enda is an international organization engaged in environment development action in the third world. |
19 | European Federation of Public Service Unions (EPSU) | EPSU is the largest federation of the ETUC and comprises 8 million public service workers from over 265 trade unions; EPSU organises workers in the energy, water and waste sectors, health and social services and local and national administration, in all European countries including in the EU’s Eastern Neighborhood. EPSU is the recognized regional organization of Public Services International (PSI). |
20 | Food & Water Europe | Food & Water Europe monitors the practices of multinational corporations that impact our food and water. We work with grassroots organizations around the world to create a genuinely economically and environmentally viable future. |
21 | Food Sovereignty Network South Asia (FSNSA) | FSNSA works to achieve Food Sovereignty right of peoples, communities and countries to define their own agricultural, labour, fishing, food and land policies which are ecologically, socially, economically and culturally appropriate to their unique circumstances. It consist of NGOs/CSOs and People's Movements of India, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Nepal. |
22 | Friends of the earth international (FoEI) | FoEI is the world’s largest grassroots environmental network with over 2 million members and supporters around the world. It campaigns on today’s most urgent environmental and social issues. FoEI challenge the current model of economic and corporate globalization, and promote solutions that will help to create environmentally sustainable and socially just societies. |
23 | Health Innovation in Practice | HIP seeks to promote and facilitate policy action around needs-driven innovation for health at the country and regional level, as well as across countries. |
24 | Internacional de Servicios Públicos de Americas (ISP Americas) | En América del Norte, Central y del Sur, y el Caribe la ISP cuenta con 140 organizaciones sindicales afiliadas en 35 países, que representan a un total de 3,3 millones de trabajadores afiliados. |
25 | International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN) | IBFAN is a 35-year old coalition working on the nutrition of infants and young children. It serves as an interface between the network of more than 273 not-for-profit non-governmental organisations in more than 168 countries, and the UN organizations, human treaty bodies and Geneva-based international NGOs. |
26 | International Grail Justice in Trade Agreement Network | A coalition of groups working for peace and justice in 20 countries worldwide. |
27 | International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) | ITF is a global union federation comprised of 700 unions representing over 4.5 million transport workers from some 150 countries around the world. |
28 | International Union of Food, Agriculture, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers (IUF) | The IUF is currently composed of 385 trade unions in 123 countries representing a combined representational membership of over 12 million workers (including a financial membership of 2.6 million). |
29 | LDC Watch | LDC Watch is a global alliance of national, regional and international civil society organisations (CSOs), networks and movements based in the Least Developed Countries (LDCs). |
30 | Mesa de Coordinación Latinoamericana de Comercio Justo (RIPESS LAC) | La RIPESS es una red intercontinental que vincula las redes de economía social y solidaria de todas las regiones del planeta. Como red de redes, está compuesta de redes intercontinentales (RIPESS-LAC, RIPESS-EU, RIPESS-NA, RAESS y ASEC) que a su vez reúnen redes nacionales y redes sectoriales. |
31 | Movimiento Mesoamericano contra el Modelo extractivo Minero -M4-Región Mesoamérica | Movimiento Mesoamericano contra el Modelo extractivo Minero is a network struggling against mega-mining and defending land and territories. Most of our members are grassroots groups and local organizations working daily with them to grow autonomous projects. We truly believe in self-determination. |
32 | Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG) | PANG is a Pacific regional network promoting economic justice in globalisation with specific attention to:1) Accountability and transparency in economic and trade policy processes, 2) Poverty eradication, 3) Equitable development and sustainable livelihoods (opportunity, access, impact) and 4) Food sovereignty and environmental sustainability. |
33 | Pan-African Baraza | Pan-African Baraza is a forum for amplifying the voices of movements and organisations for social justice by reclaiming the past, contesting the present and inventing the future. |
34 | PANOS Caribbean | Panos Caribbean is a regional organization which helps journalists to cover sustainable development issues that are overlooked and misunderstood. |
35 | Plataforma Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, Democracia y Desarrollo (PIDHDD) | La PIDHDD es un actor político, conformado por Capítulos Nacionales que articulan organizaciones sociales e instituciones de la sociedad civil, que promueve la plena vigencia y realización de los derechos humanos; Actualmente, se cuenta con capítulos nacionales constituidos y en funcionamiento en 16 países del continente americano: Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Dominicana, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, México, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Perú, Uruguay y Venezuela. |
36 | Public Services International (PSI) | Public Services International (PSI) is a global trade union federation dedicated to promoting quality public services in every part of the world. PSI brings together more than 20 million workers, represented by 650 unions in 150 countries and territories. |
37 | Public Services International (PSI), Africa and Arab Countries Region | Africa and Arab countries form one of the four regions in the PSI structure. PSI's 153 affiliated organisations in some 43 countries represent a membership of around 1.5 million people here. |
38 | Public Services International in the Caribbean | 23 trade union organisations in 20 countries and territories in the Dutch, English, and French-speaking Caribbean. These organisations represent over 60,000 women and men who deliver valuable public services. |
39 | Public Services International, Asia Pacific Region | PSI's Asia and Pacific region covers 122 unions in 22 countries and related territories with a membership of two million workers. |
40 | Red de Educación Popular Entre Mujeres Latinoamérica y Caribe (REPEM LAC) | REPEM LAC desarrolla sus actividades en América Latina y el Caribe desde 1981. Es una entidad civil sin fines de lucro que cuenta con la participación de 65 instituciones, organizaciones y grupos de mujeres en Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, México, Nicaragua, Panamá, Paraguay, Perú, República Dominicana, Uruguay y Venezuela. |
41 | Red Latinoamericana Mujeres Transformando la Economía (REMTE) | REMTE es un espacio de articulación de redes y núcleos nacionales de once países de la región, en el que participan mujeres urbanas y rurales, de ámbitos académicos, ONG y organizaciones de base. Su propósito es contribuir a la apropiación crítica de la economía por parte de las mujeres, y a la búsqueda de alternativas basadas en la justicia económica y la justicia de género. |
42 | Réseau des Organisations Paysannes et des Producteurs Agricoles de l'Afrique de l'Ouest (ROPPA) | Le Réseau des organisations paysannes et de producteurs de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (ROPPA) a formellement été fondé en juillet 2000 lors d’une rencontre à Cotonou qui a rassemblé une centaine de responsables paysans mandatés par leurs organisations. Il regroupe des organisations ou "cadres de concertation" de 10 pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest (Bénin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambie, Guinée, Guinée-Bissau, Mali, Niger, Sénégal, Togo,). |
43 | Society for International Development (SID) | SID is an international network of individuals and organizations founded in 1957 to promote social justice and foster democratic participation in the development process. SID has over 30 chapters and 3,000 members in more than 50 countries. |
44 | Society of Catholic Medical Missionaries | The Medical Mission Sisters are a religious congregation of women in the Roman Catholic Church founded in 1925 and dedicated to providing the poor of the world better access to health care. |
45 | South Asia Farmers Forum | South Asia Farmers Forum |
46 | South Asia Peasants Coalition | The South Asian Peasant Coalition (SAPC) is a network of peasant organizations at the South Asian level committed to strengthen networks in the interest of the people's movements in South Asia. |
47 | Third World Network (TWN) | Third World Network (TWN) is an independent non-profit international network of organisations and individuals involved in issues relating to development, developing countries and North-South affairs. |
48 | UNI AMERICAS | UNI Americas represents 4 million workers in the Americas and the Caribbean. We are part of the 20-million strong UNI Global Union family which has affiliated 900 unions in 140 countries globally. |
49 | West African Civil Society Platform on the Cotonou Agreement (POSCAO) | West African Civil Society Platform on the Cotonou Agreement (POSCAO) |
50 | Womantra | WOMANTRA is a community of Caribbean feminists througout the Diaspora who are committed to working TOWARD gender justice ACROSS borders. |
51 | Women In Development Europe (WIDE+) | WIDE+ is the network that follows up the previous WIDE network (a member of S2B), composed of feminists, NGO's, researchers, etc. that advocate for a socially just economy. |
National Organizations and Networks
52 | S.O.S.-CEDIA | Angola |
53 | Fórum das Organizações Não Governamentais Angolanas (FONGA) | Angola |
54 | Directorate of Gender Affairs Crisis Centre | Antigua and Barbuda |
55 | Women Against Rape Inc. | Antigua and Barbuda |
56 | Gilbert Agricultural and Rural Development Centre (GARDC) | Antigua and Barbuda |
57 | Argentine Federation Of Commerce And Services Workers (FAECyS) | Argentina |
58 | Foro Ciudadano de Participación por la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos | Argentina |
59 | Australian Fair Trade Investment Network (AFTINET) | Australia |
60 | Australian Communication Workers Alliance (ACWA) | Australia |
61 | New South Wales Nurses and Midwives’ Association | Australia |
62 | Australian Grail Justice and Trade Agreements Network | Australia |
63 | Informationsgruppe Lateinamerika (IGLA) | Austria |
64 | Hollaback! Bahamas | Bahamas |
65 | World Merit | Bahamas |
66 | Bahamas Crisis Centre | Bahamas |
67 | Equality Bahamas | Bahamas |
68 | Bangladesh Krishok Federation | Bangladesh |
69 | Gonoshasthaya Kendra | Bangladesh |
70 | VOICE | Bangladesh |
71 | Equity and Justice Working Group | Bangladesh |
72 | Textile Garments Workers Federation | Bangladesh |
73 | Sramabikash Kendra | Bangladesh |
74 | Business and Professional Women’s Club of Barbados | Barbados |
75 | Caribbean Women’s Association (CARIWA) Barbados | Barbados |
76 | Save Foundation | Barbados |
77 | Barbados Association of Non Governmental Organizations | Barbados |
78 | Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) | Barbados |
79 | Centre tricontinental (CETRI) | Belgium |
80 | SOS Faim | Belgium |
81 | CNCD-11.11.11 (Centre national de coopération au développement) | Belgium |
82 | Women’s Issues Network of Belize (WINBELIZE) | Belize |
83 | Belize Enterprise for Sustainable Technology | Belize |
84 | Groupe de Recherche et d'Action pour la Promotion de l'Agriculture et du Développement (GRAPAD) | Benin Republic |
85 | Centro de Estudios para el Desarrollo Laboral y Agrario (CEDLA) | Bolivia |
86 | Botswana Council of Non Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO) | Botswana |
87 | Confederação dos Trabalhadores no Serviço Público Federal (CONDSEF) | Brazil |
88 | Red Brasilera por la Integración de los Pueblos (REBRIP) | Brazil |
89 | Instituto EQUIT - Genero, Economia y Ciudadania Global | Brazil |
90 | Instituto Justiça Fiscal | Brazil |
91 | Cadre de concertation des OSC pour le suivi du CSLP (CdC/CSLP) | Burkina Faso |
92 | Civil Society Organization Network for Development (RESOCIDE) | Burkina Faso |
93 | Action Développement et Intégration Régionale (ADIR) | Burundi |
94 | Independent Democracy of Informal Economy Association (IDEA) | Cambodia |
95 | Cambodian’s Civil Servant Association (CICA) | Cambodia |
96 | Africa Development Interchange Network (ADIN) | Cameroon |
97 | Conseil des ONG Agrees du Cameroun (CONGAC ) | Cameroon |
98 | Common Frontiers | Canada |
99 | MiningWatch Canada | Canada |
100 | Fédération interprofessionnelle de la santé du Québec-FIQ | Canada |
101 | Council of Canadians | Canada |
102 | ATTAC-Québec | Canada |
103 | Association Commerciale, Agricole, Industriel et du Service (ACAISA) | Cape Verde |
104 | Conseil Inter ONG En Centrafrique (CIONGCA) | Central African Republic |
105 | Centre d’Information et de Liaison des ONG (CILONG) | Chad |
106 | Observatorio Ciudadano | Chile |
107 | Chile Sustentable Fundacion | Chile |
108 | Confederación Nacional de Funcionari@s de Salud Municipal (CONFUSAM) | Chile |
109 | Federacion de Vocales Región Centro | Colombia |
110 | Censat Agua Viva - Amigos de la Tierra | Colombia |
111 | Liga Nacional de Usuarios de Servicios Públicos Domiciliarios (Liga USPD) | Colombia |
112 | Asociación de Servidores Públicos Departamentales y Municipales de Antioquia (ADEA) | Colombia |
113 | Organización Freskiemos el ambiente | Colombia |
114 | Asociacion Ambiente y Sociedad | Colombia |
115 | Federación Vocales Región Centro y Distrito Capital | Colombia |
116 | Grupo de Investigación en Derechos Colectivos y Ambientales (GIDCA) | Colombia |
117 | Cook Islands Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (CIANGO) | Cook Islands |
118 | Confederación de Trabajadores Rerum Novarum (CTRN) | Costa Rica |
119 | Sindicato de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores de la Universidad Nacional de Costa Rica (SITUN) | Costa Rica |
120 | Asociación Nacional de Profesionales en Enfermería (ANPE) | Costa Rica |
121 | Asociación Nacional de Empleados Públicos y Privados (ANEP) | Costa Rica |
122 | Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País | Cuba |
123 | Red en Defensa de la Humanidad | Cuba |
124 | Ecumenical Academy | Czech Republic |
125 | Dominica National Council of Women | Dominica |
126 | Kalingo Carib Council | Dominica |
127 | Alianza ONG | Dominican Republic |
128 | Confederación Nacional de Unidad Sindical (CNUS) | Dominican Republic |
129 | Conseil de Concertation des ONGs de Développement (CCOD) | DR Congo |
130 | Recherche et Action pour un Développement Multisectoriel (RADEM) | DR Congo |
131 | Conseil National des ONG de Développement (CNONGD) | DR Congo |
132 | “Segundo Montes Mozo S.J.” (CSMM) | Ecuador |
133 | Red de Mujeres Transformando la Economia (REMTE) | Ecuador |
134 | Jubileo 2000 Red | Ecuador |
135 | Confederación Sindical del Ecuador (CSE) | Ecuador |
136 | Observatorio Ciudadano de Servicios Publicos | Ecuador |
137 | Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights (ECESR) | Egypt |
138 | Sindicato de Empresa Trabajadores de ANDA (SETA) | El Salvador |
139 | Asociación General de Empleados Públicos y Municipales (AGEPYM) | El Salvador |
140 | CESTA Amigos de la Tierra | El Salvador |
141 | Red de Ambientalistas Comunitarios de El Salvador Racdes | El Salvador |
142 | Forum des ONG pour le Développement Durable (FONGDD) | Eq. Guinea |
143 | Cotonou Task Force | Ethiopia |
144 | Poverty Action Network in Ethiopia (PANE) | Ethiopia |
145 | Ecumenical Centre for Research, Education and Advocacy (ECREA) | Fiji |
146 | The Finnish NGDO Platform to the EU (Kehys) | Finland |
147 | Solidarité | France |
148 | Collectif STOP TAFTA | France |
149 | Concertation Nationale Des Organisations paysannes et des Producteurs (CNOP) | Gabon |
150 | Worldview | Gambia |
151 | World Economy, Ecology & Development (WEED) | Germany |
152 | Chaos Computer Club (CCC) | Germany |
153 | Forschungs- und Dokumentationszentrum Chile-Lateinamerika e.V. (FDCL) | Germany |
154 | Campact | Germany |
155 | Agricultural Workers Union of TUC | Ghana |
156 | Naturefriends | Greece |
157 | Grenada National Organization of Women (GNOW) | Grenada |
158 | Inter Agency Group of Development Organizations (IAGDO) | Grenada |
159 | Federation de Femmes Enterpreneurs et Affairs de la CEDEAO (FEFA) | Guinea |
160 | Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisa (INEI) | Guinea-Bissau |
161 | Guyana Association of Women Lawyers | Guyana |
162 | Help & Shelter | Guyana |
163 | Red Thread | Guyana |
164 | Women Across Differences (WAD) | Guyana |
165 | Christian Aid | Haiti |
166 | Programme de Plaidoyer Pour une Intégration Alternative (PPIA) | Haiti |
167 | Centre de Recherche et d Action Pour le Developpement (CRAD) | Haiti |
168 | Plateforme Haïtienne de Plaidoyer pour un Développement Alternatif (PAPDA) | Haiti |
169 | Moana Nui Action Alliance | Hawaii |
170 | Globalization Monitor | Hong Kong |
171 | ATTAC Hungary | Hungary |
172 | All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) | India |
173 | Alliance for Sustainable & Holistic Agriculture (ASHA) | India |
174 | IT for Change | India |
175 | Initiative for Health & Equity in Society | India |
176 | All India Drug Action Network . | India |
177 | Navdanya | India |
178 | Foundation for Science Technology & Ecology | India |
179 | Diverse Women for Diversity | India |
180 | Mahila Anna Swarajya | India |
181 | National Working Group on Patent Laws and WTO | India |
182 | Swadeshi Andolan | India |
183 | ActionAid India | India |
184 | Indian National Defence Workers Federation (INDWF) | India |
185 | Bharatiya Krishak Samaj (BKS) farmers’ union | India |
186 | Tamil Nadu Electricity Board Accounts and Executive staff Union | India |
187 | Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union (APVVU) | India |
188 | National Agricultural workers Forum (NAWF) | India |
189 | National Center for Labour | India |
190 | Sunray Harvesters | India |
191 | Gene Campaign | India |
192 | National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM) | India |
193 | Right to Food Campaign | India |
194 | CIVIC Bangalore | India |
195 | Paschim Banga Khet Mazdoor Samiti | India |
196 | Udayani | India |
197 | Centre for Equity Studies | India |
198 | Aman Biradari Trust | India |
199 | Vikas Samvad, Bhopal | India |
200 | Chaupal, Chhattisgarh | India |
201 | Jagriti Advisari Dalit Samiti, Barwani, Madhya Pradesh | India |
202 | Center for Workers Education | India |
203 | Wada Na Todo Abhiyan (WNTA) | India |
204 | Environics Trust | India |
205 | Communist Party of India (M-L) | India |
206 | Navdanya | India |
207 | National Federation of Indian Women | India |
208 | Swami Sivananda Memorial Institute | India |
209 | All India Agricultural Workers Union | India |
210 | National Confederation of Officers Association of Central PSUs | India |
211 | Sanchar Nigam Executives Association | India |
212 | New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI) | India |
213 | Swadeshi Jagran Manch | India |
214 | All India Drug Action Network (AIDAN) | India |
215 | All India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN) | India |
216 | All India Power Engineers Federation (AIPEF) | India |
217 | All India Progressive Women Association (AIPWA) | India |
218 | All India Students Association (AISA) | India |
219 | Forum Against FTAs | India |
220 | India FDI Watch | India |
221 | Indian Social Action Forum (INSAF) | India |
222 | Janpahal | India |
223 | Madhyam | India |
224 | The Centre for Community Economics and Development Consultants Society (CECOEDECON) | India |
225 | Swadeshi Andolan | India |
226 | Programme on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (PWESCR) | India |
227 | South Asian Dialogues on Ecological Democracy (SADED) | India |
228 | Vasudev Kutumbkum | India |
229 | The Hawkers Federation | India |
230 | Thanal | India |
231 | Socialist Party | India |
232 | All India Union of Forest Working People (AIUFWP) | India |
233 | Asha Parivar | India |
234 | Citizen News Service (CNS) | India |
235 | Shetkari Sanghatana Paik | India |
236 | Sedane Labour Resource Center (LIPS) | Indonesia |
237 | Inspirator Muda Nusantara | Indonesia |
238 | Berdikari Institute | Indonesia |
239 | Indonesian Forum for Environment/Walhi | Indonesia |
240 | Action from Ireland | Ireland |
241 | Keep Ireland Fracking Free | Ireland |
242 | Trócaire | Ireland |
243 | Presentation Justice Network | Ireland |
244 | Galway One World Centre | Ireland |
245 | Comhlámh | Ireland |
246 | Terra Nuova | Italy |
247 | Osservatorio Italiano sulla Salute Globale (OISG) | Italy |
248 | Alliance Pour la Reconstruction et le Developpement Post-Conflit (ARDPC) | Ivory Coast |
249 | Association of Women’s Organization of Jamaica (AWOJA) | Jamaica |
250 | Fifty-One Percent Coalition | Jamaica |
251 | Jamaica Civil Society (Coalition) Forum | Jamaica |
252 | JFLAG – Women’s Empowerment for Change | Jamaica |
253 | Jamaica Household Workers’ Union | Jamaica |
254 | Jamaica Network of Rural Women Producers (JNRWP) | Jamaica |
255 | Jamaica Youth Advocacy Network | Jamaica |
256 | Grassroots Organizations Operating Together in Sisterhood (GROOTS) | Jamaica |
257 | Quality of Citizenship Jamaica | Jamaica |
258 | Institute of Gender and Development Studies (IGDS) | Jamaica |
259 | SISTREN Theatre Collective | Jamaica |
260 | Women’s Committee of the G2K (Jamaica Labour Party Youth Arm) | Jamaica |
261 | Women’s Media Watch (WMW) | Jamaica |
262 | Woman Inc. | Jamaica |
263 | Women’s Resource and Outreach Centre (WROC) | Jamaica |
264 | Young Women’s Leadership Initiative | Jamaica |
265 | Jamaica Community of Positive Women | Jamaica |
266 | Yokohama Action Research | Japan |
267 | Globalization Watch Hiroshima | Japan |
268 | Kenya Small Scale Farmers Forum (KESSFF) | Kenya |
269 | ECONEWS Africa | Kenya |
270 | Kenya Food Rights Alliance (KeFRA) | Kenya |
271 | Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI) Kenya | Kenya |
272 | Bunge La Mwananchi Social Movement | Kenya |
273 | Mathare Social Justice Centre | Kenya |
274 | Unga Revolution Movement | Kenya |
275 | Action Green for Trade and Sustainable Development (AGTSD) | Kenya |
276 | The Coalition for Constitution Implementation | Kenya |
277 | Econews Africa | Kenya |
278 | Kenya Debt Relief Network (KENDREN) | Kenya |
279 | National Council of NGOs | Kenya |
280 | AwaaZ | Kenya |
281 | Mazingira Institute | Kenya |
282 | Kiribati Association of Non-Governmental Organisation (KANGO) | Kiribati |
283 | Rural Self-help Development Association (RSDA) | Lesotho |
284 | Consumers Protection Association (CPA) | Lesotho |
285 | Policy Analysis and Research Institute of Lesotho (PARIL) | Lesotho |
286 | Patriot Vision in Action (PAVA) | Lesotho |
287 | Lesotho Council of NGOs (LCN) | Lesotho |
288 | United Textile Employees (UNITE) | Lesotho |
289 | West African Women Association (WAWA) | Liberia |
290 | Cercle de Coopération des ONG de développement | Luxembourg |
291 | Action Solidarité Tiers Monde (ASTM) | Luxembourg |
292 | SOS-Faim | Luxembourg |
293 | Cercle de Coopération | Luxembourg |
294 | Plate-Forme Nationale des Organisations de la Societe Civile de Madagascar | Madagascar |
295 | Malawi Economic Justice Network (MEJN) | Malawi |
296 | Communication Workers Union of Malawi (COWUMA) | Malawi |
297 | Observateur de l'Union Africaine pour la composante des Droits humains au Mali (RODADDHD) | Mali |
298 | Reseau des ONGs de Developpement et Associations de Defense des Droits de L’homme et de la Democratie (RODADDHD) | Mali |
299 | MUSONET | Mali |
300 | Foundation pour le Developpment au Sahel (FDS) | Mali |
301 | Marshall Islands Council of NGOs (MICNGOS) | Marshall Islands |
302 | GLOBE | Mauritania |
303 | Mauritius Trade Union Congress (MTUC) | Mauritius |
304 | Migration and Sustainable Development Alliance (MSDA) | Mauritius |
305 | Resistance & Alternatives | Mauritius |
306 | Center for Alternative Research and Studies (CARES) | Mauritius |
307 | Mauritius Council of Social Service (MACOSS) | Mauritius |
308 | Jóvenes frente al G20 | Mexico |
309 | Asociación Nacional de Industriales de la Transformación (ANIT) | Mexico |
310 | Centro de Promoción y Educación Profesional "Vasco de Quiroga" | Mexico |
311 | Sindicato Unico de Trabajadores del Gobierno del Distrito Federal | Mexico |
312 | Asesoría e Investigación | Mexico |
313 | Grupo Tacuba | Mexico |
314 | Asociación Nacional de Empresas Comercializadoras de Productores del Campo (ANEC) | Mexico |
315 | Red Mexicana de Acción frente al Libre Comercio (RMALC) | Mexico |
316 | Red Nacional Género y Economía | Mexico |
317 | Siembra | Mexico |
318 | Mujeres para el Diálogo | Mexico |
319 | Unión Popular Valle Gómez | Mexico |
320 | Ombligo Verde, A.C. | Mexico |
321 | FSM Alliance of NGOs (FANGO) | Micronesia |
322 | Réseau Euromd Maroc des ONG | Morocco |
323 | National Forum for Mozambiquan NGOs and CBOs (TEIA) | Mozambique |
324 | Namibia Non-Governmental Organisations Forum Trust | Namibia |
325 | Nauru Island Association of NGOs (NIANGO) | Nauru |
326 | All Nepal Peasants' Federation (ANPFa) | Nepal |
327 | National Women Peasants Association | Nepal |
328 | Nepal Youth Peasants Association | Nepal |
329 | National Agriculture Labour Association | Nepal |
330 | Nepal Dalit and Landless farmers Association | Nepal |
331 | Union of Public Services in Nepal (UPSIN) | Nepal |
332 | Wemos foundation | Netherlands |
333 | Platform Aarde Boer Consument | Netherlands |
334 | Working group Food Justice | Netherlands |
335 | The New Zealand Council of Trade Unions Te Kauae Kaimahi | New Zealand |
336 | It's Our Future: Kiwis against the TPPA | New Zealand |
337 | Association Nigérienne des Scouts de l Environnement du Niger | Niger |
338 | National Association of Nigerian Traders (NANTS) | Nigeria |
339 | Labour,Health and Human Rights Development Centre | Nigeria |
340 | Ogoni Solidarity Forum | Nigeria |
341 | CAFSO-WRAG for Development | Nigeria |
342 | Niue Island (Umbrella) Association of NGOs (NIUANGO) | Niue |
343 | ATTAC | Norway |
344 | Campaign for the Welfare State | Norway |
345 | The Development Fund | Norway |
346 | Spire | Norway |
347 | Nei til EU (No to EU) | Norway |
348 | Fagforbundet (Norwegian Union of Municipal and General Employees) | Norway |
349 | Baluchistan Rural Development & Research Society (BRDRS) | Pakistan |
350 | NOOR PAKISTAN | Pakistan |
351 | Grupo de Agroecología y Soberanía Alimentaria de Panamá (GASA) | Panama |
352 | Sindicato de la Industria Eléctrica y Similares de la República de Panamá (SITIESPA) | Panama |
353 | Colectivo Voces Ecológicas (COVEC) | Panama |
354 | Unión Nacional de Consumidores y Usuarios de la República de Panamá (UNCUREPA) | Panama |
355 | Federación Nacional de Asociaciones y Organizaciones de Empleados Públicos (FENASEP) | Panama |
356 | Melanesian NGO Centre for Leadership (MNCL) | Papua New Guinea |
357 | Red Peruana de Comercio Justo y Consumo Ético | Peru |
358 | Federación Nacional de Trabajadores del Agua Potable (FENTAP) | Peru |
359 | Frente Regional Por la Defensa del Agua y la Vida Lambayeque (FREDAV-LAM) | Peru |
360 | IDEALS | Philippines |
361 | Ecumenical Institute for Labor Education and Research, Inc. (EILER) | Philippines |
362 | Coconut Industry Reform Movement, Inc. (COIR) | Philippines |
363 | Workers Assistance Center, Inc. | Philippines |
364 | Medical Mission Sisters | Philippines |
365 | Center for Trade Union and Human Rights (CTUHR) | Philippines |
366 | Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) | Philippines |
367 | WomanHealth | Philippines |
368 | Fundacja Strefa Zieleni | Poland |
369 | ATTAC | Poland |
370 | 2B Fair Foundation | Poland |
371 | Institute of Global Responsibility | Poland |
372 | Plataforma contra o Tratado Transatlântico | Portugal |
373 | Rwanda Civil Society Platform | Rwanda |
374 | Samoa Umbrella for Non Governmental Organisation (SUNGO) | Samoa |
375 | Ole Siosiomaga Society Incorporated (OLSSI) | Samoa |
376 | Forum das Ong de São Tomé e Principe (FONG-STP) | Sao Tomé and Principe |
377 | ARCADE | Senegal |
378 | L'office Africain pour le développement et la coopération (OFADEC) | Senegal |
379 | Plate-forme des acteurs non étatiques pour le suivi de l'Accord de Cotonou au Sénégal | Senegal |
380 | Liaison Unit of the non-governmental organisations of Seychelles (LUNGOS) | Seychelles |
381 | Civil Society Movement of Sierra Leone | Sierra Leone |
382 | Development Service Exchange (DSE) | Solomon Islands |
383 | South Durban Community Environmental Alliance | South Africa |
384 | Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI) | South Africa |
385 | South African NGO Council (SANGOCO) | South Africa |
386 | Economic Justice Network of Foccisa | South Africa |
387 | Korean House for International Solidarity | South Korea |
388 | Community Empowerment for Progress Organization (CEPO) | South Sudan |
389 | Unión Universal Desarrollo Solidario | Spain |
390 | ATTAC | Spain |
391 | Intersindical Valenciana | Spain |
392 | ATTAC BIZKAIA | Spain |
393 | Unión Universal Desarrollo Solidario | Spain |
394 | Acció Ecologista-Agró (País Valencià) | Spain |
395 | Ong AFRICANDO | Spain |
396 | Confederacion Intersindical | Spain |
397 | Plataforma pel Dret a Decidir del País Valencià | Spain |
398 | National Free Trade Union (NFTU) | Sri Lanka |
399 | Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action (CAFRA) | St. Lucia |
400 | Iyanola (St. Lucia) Council for the Advancement of Rastafari Incorporated (ICAR) | St. Lucia |
401 | Saint Lucia Crisis Centre | St. Lucia |
402 | United and Strong | St. Lucia |
403 | Windward Islands Farmers’ Association (WINFA) | St. Vincent and the Grenadines |
404 | Foundation Ultimate Purpose (UP) | Suriname |
405 | Stichting Projekta | Suriname |
406 | Council for NGOs (CANGO) | Swaziland |
407 | Coordination Climat Justice Sociale | Switzerland |
408 | Forum Social Lémanique | Switzerland |
409 | Geneva Infant Feeding Association (GIFA) | Switzerland |
410 | International-Lawyers.Org | Switzerland |
411 | Alliance Sud | Switzerland |
412 | Syndicat Adetra | Switzerland |
413 | Solidarité Bosnie | Switzerland |
414 | Association citoyenne pour la défense des usagers du service public (ACIDUS) | Switzerland |
415 | ATTAC-Suisse | Switzerland |
416 | ATTAC-Genève | Switzerland |
417 | Association Solidarité Suisse-Guinée | Switzerland |
418 | Tanzania Trade and Economic Justice Forum (TTEJF) | Tanzania |
419 | Tanzania Organization for Agricultural Development (TOfAD) | Tanzania |
420 | Ecosystems-Based Adaptation for Food Security Assembly (EBAFOSA) | Tanzania |
421 | Eastern and Southern Africa Small-scale Farmer’s Forum (ESAFF) | Tanzania |
422 | Governance Links Tanzania | Tanzania |
423 | Civil Education is a Solution for Poverty and Environment (CESOPE) | Tanzania |
424 | Mtandao wa Vikundi vya Wakulima Tanzania (MVIWATA) | Tanzania |
425 | Tanzania Association of NGOs | Tanzania |
426 | Thailand Confederation Trade Union (TCTU) | Thailand |
427 | Worldview | The Gambia |
428 | The Asia Foundation | Timor-Leste |
429 | Ligue des consommateurs du Togo (LCT) | Togo |
430 | Groupe d'Action et de Reflexion sur l'Environnement et le Développement (GARED) | Togo |
431 | Civil Society Forum of Tonga (CSFT) | Tonga |
432 | Grassroots Organizations Operating Together in Sisterhood (GROOTS) | Trinidad & Tobago |
433 | Network of NGOs Trinidad & Tobago | Trinidad & Tobago |
434 | Grassroots Organisations of Trinidad & Tobago (GOTT) | Trinidad & Tobago |
435 | Coalition Advocating for Inclusion of Sexual Orientation (CAISO) | Trinidad & Tobago |
436 | Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action (CAFRA) | Trinidad & Tobago |
437 | Tuvalu Association of NGOs (TANGO) | Tuvalu |
438 | Consumer Education Trust | Uganda |
439 | Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI) Uganda | Uganda |
440 | Coalition for Health Promotion and Social Development (HEPS) | Uganda |
441 | National Justice & Peace Network | UK |
442 | GMB Trade Union | UK |
443 | Banana Link | UK |
444 | StopTTIP | UK |
445 | Global Justice Now | UK |
446 | Comisión Nacional en Defensa del Agua y la Vida (CNDAV) | Uruguay |
447 | Comisión Multisectorial | Uruguay |
448 | Oakland Institute | USA |
449 | Medical Mission Sisters | USA |
450 | Americas Program of the Center for International Policy | USA |
451 | Institute for Policy Studies, Global Economy Project | USA |
452 | Friends of the Earth, U.S | USA |
453 | Popular Resistance | USA |
454 | Vanuatu Association of NGOs (VANGO) | Vanuatu |
455 | Scode | Vietnam |
456 | Al-Jawf women orgainzation for Development (ALJWOF-D) | Yemen |
457 | Zambia Council for Social Development (ZCSD) | Zambia |
458 | Centre for Trade Policy and Development (CTPD) | Zambia |
459 | Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI) | Zimbabwe |
460 | National Association of NGOs (NANGO) | Zimbabwe |
[1] Originally signed by 453 organizations as of December 9, 2015