| ZNet CommentarySeptember 06, 2003
  Trade Talk: Speaking in TonguesBy Aziz Choudry
  It's enough to make your eyes glaze over.  Modalities. Conditionalities. Most-favoured nation. Rules                     of Origin. Phytosanitary Standards. TRIPS. TRIMS. GATS. WTO.                     APEC. FTAA. NAFTA. Trade negotiators, governments, the media                     and many non-governmental organisation (NGOs) are pumping                     out material brimming with an alphabet soup of acronyms and                     jarring technical jargon.  The torrent seems particularly bad right now. Another World                     Trade Organisation (WTO) Ministerial meeting looms imminently,                     with a November Summit of the Americas not far behind, where                     trade ministers and officials will meet to discuss the Free                     Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), a trade and investment                     agreement between all of the countries in the Americas except                     Cuba.  The arcane language of trade negotiations and global economics                     resembles the incomprehensible utterances of those who, in                     a state of apparent religious ecstasy, believe themselves                     moved by a divine force - and speak in tongues. Whether it                     is a belief in salvation by God or the global free market                     economy, "true believers" frequently feel that they                     alone have the truth, the light and the way.  The inaccessibility of this language remains a big plus                     for the economic interests - governments and corporations                     - behind initiatives like the WTO and FTAA as they seek to                     mould the world so that global capital can do what it likes,                     when it likes, how it likes, and with whomever it likes. It                     is as though they have devised a secret code to keep most                     of us none the wiser about what they are doing and not particularly                     interested in finding out, either. That is a surefire way                     to minimise popular understanding, publicdebate and dissent.
  The dense, confusing jargon and the rather abstract-sounding                     nature of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs                     and Trade (GATT - which established the WTO) led to the subject                     being dubbed a "ratings killer" by New Zealand media                     some years ago. It has only been populareducation and action on these and other agreements - especially                     mass mobilisations and non-violent direct action - that have                     focussed any public attention on them.
  Deconstructing and demystifying the WTO and global economics                     through popular education in terms that we can all understand                     is an important task if we are to reach out beyond activist                     and NGO networks and build genuine mass movements that can                     seriously contest the power of global capital and local elites.  But those of us who closely follow trade negotiations with                     morbid fascination and concern like soap opera addicts also                     have a tendency to adopt this gibberish. Perhaps there is                     something hypnotic and strangely seductive about these words                     , once we have figured out what they mean. After the initial                     bewilderment and alienation, they seem to become rapidlyincorporated into our own vocabulary. Then we want to proudly                     show off our new words.
  Why do so many NGOs critical of the WTO spend so much time                     speaking the same language as the trade bureaucrats?  Is it to seek legitimacy in the eyes of officials and institutions?                     "Take us seriously, we can use long and complicated words                     and phrases too."  Is it an initiation rite into a cozier world away from the                     fraught and unglamorous work of mobilizing in communities?                     "I'm not one of those nasty anti-capitalists - let's                     talk about modalities."  When we try to fight them in their language we risk sacrificing                     the power to name our world and assert our values.  Policy analysis, research and advocacy are important but                     these must be directed by and used to advance the needs and                     demands of grassroots struggles, not the interests of NGOs                     which want to maintain good relations with governments and                     officials by showing that they speak and understand the same                     language - literally and figuratively. Unsurprisingly, that                     language tends to exclude criticisms of colonialism, capitalism                     or imperialism.  The framing of issues in this language, and the narrow focus                     on technical aspects of texts and official processes is hardly                     conducive to popular education for mobilization, and indeed                     shuts out the majority of our societies.  This addiction to technical jargon tends to obscure, rather                     than advance popular understandings of these processes and                     institutions and their effects on our lives. It inevitably                     permeates our "popular education" resources. It                     runs the risk of connecting only with a very small segment                     of societies in certain NGOs and activists who eagerly read                     the regular email bulletins on WTO negotiations. Without being                     connected to broader political, economic and ecological questions,                     and struggles for justice and dignity on the ground, their                     activities and analyses can seem as disconnected from on-the-ground                     reality as the heady world of trade bureaucrats.  Writing about "NGOism", US global justice activist                     Patrick Reinsborough says that there is a "terrifyingly                     widespread conceit among professional "campaigners"                     that social change is a highly specialized profession best                     leftto experienced strategists, negotiators and policy wonks.                     NGOism is the conceit that paid staff will be enough to save                     the world."
  I have nothing against sound critical policy analysis but                     I worry about the way in which this language in the gospel                     according to the WTO (or the FTAA, World Bank, IMF, etc) comes                     to frame so much of what we do and say. It isall-too-easy to develop a severe case of tunnel vision from                     poring over complex wordy documents and to adopt the bizarre                     compartmentalization of life-and-death issues which the agreements,                     provisions, articles and clauses of official texts lend themselves                     to.
  Some NGO policy analysts do excellent work in monitoring                     negotiations and disseminating information. They are able                     to expose concrete examples of the anti-democratic processes                     and powerplay that characterizes WTO negotiations. But there                     is often a real sense of disconnect between their priorities                     and the priorities and struggles of peoples' movements. Many                     people most directly affected by neoliberal policies and mobilising                     at the grassroots may not be familiar with the jargon but                     have a keen understanding of what is going on and a bigger                     picture analysis which is often missing in the world of professionalized                     NGO policy analysts.  The devil lies not only in the details of trade and economic                     agreements, but in the underlying economic, social, political                     and environmental agendas underpinning them. Too many of the                     analyses of trade negotiations have too little political analysis.                     We fetishise the minutiae of these agreements at the risk                     of losing sight of the fact that they are manifestations of                     bigger systemic problems - like capitalism and colonialism.  A certain elitism has already developed in global justice                     networks where policy "experts" in relatively well-resourced                     organisations are elevated to guru-like status and get to                     interpret the texts and meanings of meetings for the rest                     of us. These interpretations - and the accompanying suggestions                     for action are often divorced from the lived realities of                     daily struggles for justice and dignity, and a political analysis                     of the bigger picture. They often urge reformist solutions                     to try to change or insert some words here or there, rather                     than challenging the underlying values and principles on which                     the agreements are based, or heeding popular demands for radical                     transformation of the prevailing economic order.  We need to be wary of the development of an emergent class                     of high priests of policy analysis, who are claiming the space,                     authority and mandate to set strategy and direction of global                     justice movements. The gulf between them and the aspirations                     of peoples' struggles needs to be acknowledged and addressed.                     If anyone is going to save the world from theravages of neoliberalism, it will be community mobilizations                     and mass movements, not professional NGOers speaking in tongues.
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